翻譯研究部

[譯文]基辛格《世界秩序》中關于亞洲秩序的描述

時間:2015-2-13 11:06:40  作者:轉載  來源:轉載  查看:1024  評論:0
內容摘要:The Multiplicity of Asia Whatis an Asian Regional Order? 什么是亞洲秩序? Thehistorical European order had been self-contained.England was,unt...

The Multiplicity of Asia
Whatis an Asian Regional Order?
什么是亞洲秩序?
 
Thehistorical European order had been self-contained.England was,until the earlytwentieth century, able to preserve the balance through its insular positionand naval supremacy.Occasionally, European powers enlisted outside countries tostrengthen their positions temporarily-for example, France courting the OttomanEmpire in the sixteenth century or Britains early-twentieth-century alliancewith Japan –but non-Western powers,other than occasional surges from the MiddleEast or North Africa, had few interests in Europe and were not called on tointervene in European conflicts.

歐洲秩序是歷史上獨立發展起來的。直到20世紀前半葉,英國因為孤懸的島嶼位置和世界上最強大的海軍保持了與歐洲的平衡。有時,歐洲國家為增強自己的力量與域外國家暫時結盟——比如,16世紀的法國和奧斯曼帝國,20世紀初期的英國和日本——但是與在中東和北非的風起云涌不同,非西方國家在歐洲幾乎沒有利益而且從來沒有介入歐洲戰爭。

Bycontrast, the contemporary Asian order includes outside powers as an integralfeature: the United States, whose role as an Asia-Pacific power was explicitlyaffirmed in joint statements by U.S. President Barack Obama and ChinesePresident Hu Jintao in January 2011, and Chinese President Xi Jinping in June2013; and Russia, geographically an Asian power and participant in Asiangroupings such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation,even if ovethree-quarters of its population lives in the European portion of Russianterritory.

相比起來,域外力量的介入一直是當代亞洲秩序的重要部分:2011年1月美國總統奧巴馬和中國國家主席Hu的聯合聲明,2013年6月美國總統奧巴馬和中國國家主席習的聯合聲明都清楚的確認了美國是亞太國家。而俄羅斯,即使他超過3/4的人口都居住在歐洲部分,他在地理上也是亞洲國家,還參加了亞洲組織,例如上海合作組織。

 
TheUnited States in modern times has occasionally been invited to act as abalancer of power.In the Treaty of Portsmouth of 1905,it mediated the warbetween Russia and Japan;in World War 2,it defeated Japans quest for Asianhegemony. The United States played a comparable Asian role during the Cold Warwhen it sought to balance the Soviet Union through a network of alliancesstretching from Pakistan to the Philippines.

現代以來,美國偶爾被邀請扮演平衡角色,在1905年的樸次茅斯和約中調停了俄國和日本的戰爭;在第二次世界大戰,美國打敗了尋求亞洲霸權的日本。美國在冷戰時相當程度上扮演了亞洲國家,他建立了一個從巴基斯坦到菲律賓的聯盟平衡了蘇聯的影響。

 
 
The evolving Asian structure will have to take into account a plethora of statesnot dealt with in the preceding pages. Indonesia, anchoring Southeast Asiawhile affirming an Islamic orientation,plays an increasingly influential roleand has thus far managed a delicate balancing act between China, the UnitedStates, and the Muslim world. With Japan,Russia, and China as nerghbors, theRepublic of Korea has achieved a vibrant democracy bolstered by a globallycompetitive economy, including leadership in strategic industries such astelecommunications and shipbuilding. Many Asian countries-including China-viewNorth Koreas policies as destabilizing but regard a collapse of North Korea asa greater danger.South Korea on its part will have to deal with increasingdomestic pressures for unification.

正在發展的亞洲機構將必須考慮很多過去沒接觸過的國家。印度尼西亞,一個東南亞的穆斯林國家,正在扮演越來越重要的角色,很大程度上維持著和中國、美國、穆斯林世界之間微妙的平衡。韓國,日本、俄羅斯和中國共同的鄰居,是一個在全球有競爭力的經濟體,在戰略行業(比如電信和造船工業)中位于國際領先位置,受此激勵他的國內民主制度正在蓬勃發展。北朝鮮被很多亞洲國家,包括中國,看成是不穩定的因素,但是,這些國家同時也認為北朝鮮的崩潰是個巨大的災難。而對南朝鮮來說,他將不得不面對國內越來越大的統一壓力。

 
 
In theface of Asias vast scale and the scope of its diversity, its nations havefashioned a dazzling array of multilateral groupings and bilateralmechanisms.In contrast to the European Union,NATO,and the Commission onSecurity and Cooperation in Europe, these institutions deal with security andeconomic issues on a case-by-case basis, not as an expression of formal rulesof regional order . Some of the key groupings include the United States, andsome, including economic ones, are Asian only, of which the most elaborated andsignificant is ASEAN, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. The coreprinciple is to welcome those nations most directly involved with the issues athand.

因為亞洲大陸的巨大和多樣,亞洲國家流行建立一系列讓人眼花繚亂的多邊組織和雙邊機制。與亞洲形成對比的是歐盟,北約和歐洲安全與合作組織是歐盟處理具體安全和經濟問題的基礎,而不是一個形式上的地區秩序準則。一些核心組織包括美國,一些只有亞洲經濟體參與的,其中最重要和復雜的就是東盟(東南亞國家聯盟)。核心原則是歡迎身邊所有直接參與問題的國家。

 
 
Butdoes all this amount to an Asian system of order?In Europes equilibrium, theinterests of the main parties were comparable, if not congruent ,A balance ofpower could  be developed not only inpractice-as is inevitable in the absence of hegemony-but as a system oflegitimac that facilitated decisions and moderated policies. Such a congruencedoes not exist in Asia, as is shown by the priorities the major countries haveassigned to themselves.While India appears mostly concerned with China as apeer competitor, in large measure a legacy of the 1962 border war, China seesits peer rivals in Japan and the United States. India has devoted fewermilitary resources to China than to Pakistan, which, if not a peeer competitor,has been a strategic preoccupation for New Delhi.

但是這些能稱為亞洲的秩序么?在歐洲的平衡中,主要國家的利益如果不能說完全一致的話也是類似的。力量的平衡不是只可以在實踐過程中慢慢發展,以現在的情形來說,缺乏領導是不可避免的了,但是,還可以建立一個合法的體系來促進產生共識和調節各方政策。但是各方并沒有就此達成一致,表現在各主要國家都優先關注自己的利益。印度主要把中國看成是平等的競爭對手,很大原因是1962年邊境戰爭的結果,中國則把日本和美國看成平等的競爭對手。印度的軍事資源相比投向中國更多的投向了巴基斯坦,一個不平等的競爭對手卻占據了新德里全部的戰略注意。

 
 
Theamorphous nature of Asian groupings is partly because geography has dectated asharp dividing line between East Asia and South Asia throughouthistory.Cultural, philosophical, and religious influences have transcended thegeographic dividing lines, and Hindu and Confucian concepts of governance havecoexisted in Southeast Asia. But the mountain and jungle barriers were too impenetrableto permit military interaction between the great empires of East Asia and SouthAsia until the twentieth century. The Mongols and their successors entered theIndian subconinent from Central Asia, not through the Himalayan hign passes,andthey failed to reach the southern parts of India. The various regions of Asiahave geopolitically and historically pursued distinct courses.

亞洲組織的不確定性部分是由于地形使東亞和南亞在歷史上被一條線很明顯地分開。文化、哲學、宗教的影響可以跨越這條地理上的分割線,印度教和儒教在東南亞同時存在;但是在20世紀以前,高山和叢林卻足以阻礙東亞和南亞兩個偉大帝國的軍事力量相互接觸。蒙古和他的繼承者雖然從中亞進入印度次大陸,不是越過喜馬拉雅山過去,但是他們也沒能到達印度的南部。亞洲各個地區在歷史和地緣政治上都不一樣。

 
 
Theregional orders constructed during these periods include none based onWestphalian premises.Where the European order embraced an equilibrium ofterritorially defined “sovereign states” recognizing each others legal equality, traditional Asian political powers operated by more ambiguous criteria. Untilwell into the modern era, an “inner Asian” world influenced by Mongol Empire,Russia, and Islam coexisted with a Chinese imperial tribute system; the latterreached outward to the kingdoms of Southeast Asia, which entertained Chinasclaims of universality even as they practiced a form of statecraft deeplyinfluenced by Hindu principles received from India that posited a form ofdivinity for monarchs.

在這些時期,地區秩序的構建沒有受到 過威斯特伐利亞體系的影響。歐洲秩序是建立在一群地區領主的平衡上的,他們都承認彼此平等的合法地位;而亞洲的傳統政治建立在更加模糊的標準上。直到進入現代前,真正的亞洲是蒙古帝國、俄國、伊斯蘭和一個中華帝國的朝貢體系共存的世界;后者向外擴展到東南亞諸國,雖然治國方法深受印度教影響同樣假設國王有神性,但東南亞諸國還是接受了中國建立的世界體系。

 
 
Nowthese legacies are meeting, and there is far from a consensus among the variouscountries about the meaning of the journey they have taken or its lessons fortwenty-first-century world order. Under contemporary conditions, essentiallytwo balances of power are emerging:on in South Asia, the other in East Asia.Neither possesses the characteristic integral to the European balance of power:a balancer,a country capable of establishing an equilibrium by shifting itsweight to the weaker side. The United States(after its withdrawal fromAfghanistan) has refrained from treating the contemporary internal South Asianbalance primarily as a military problem. But it will have to be active in thediplomacy over reestablishing a regional order lest a vacuum is created, whichwould inevitably draw all surrounding countries into a regional confrontation.

現在,所有的歷史遺產都相遇了,而且所有國家對在歷史上經歷的和學到的東西對建立21世紀世界秩序的意義沒有達成共識。在當代,出現了兩個關鍵的平衡力量,一個在南亞,一個在東亞。兩個都不具有歐洲平衡力量那樣作為整體的一部分的特點:做一個平衡者,一個國家可以通過和弱的一邊站在一起來建立平衡。美國(從阿富汗撤軍后)克制了自己,沒有將當時的南亞內在平衡過程當成軍事問題對待。但是他不得不在重建地區秩序上做積極的外交動作,以免出現真空地帶,這將會不可避免的把周圍國家卷入地區對抗中。



評論者:      驗證碼:  點擊獲取驗證碼
copyright©2010 All Rights Reserved 版權所有:四川省國際和平與發展研究中心
power byApp之家
蜀ICP備11000164
rb88官网 热博体育在线| 热博体育官网| rb88| rb88热博电竞平台| 热博体育官网| 热博官网| rb88热博电竞平台| 热博| rb88热博电竞手机版| 热博官网| BTI体育| 热博sbt体育| 热博rb88|
蜀ICP備14002673號-1